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Wednesday, April 11, 2012

Overpaid Public Workers: The Evidence Mounts

Several new government studies make it harder for unions to deny the need for reform.

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL - April10, 2012

One year ago, Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker signed legislation increasing the pension and health contributions of public-sector employees and restricting their collective-bargaining power. The governor set off a firestorm that continues today, with a recall effort being waged against him and his allies.
In Ohio, Gov. John Kasich signed similar legislation only to see it repealed in a statewide referendum last November. And nationwide, as governors and legislators seek to rein in labor costs, public-employee unions are protesting that their members are actually underpaid. But a growing body of evidence strongly suggests that their protests have no basis in fact.
When the public pay debate began to simmer two years ago, we were among the few analysts to show that many public employees—federal, state and local, including public school teachers—are paid more than what their skills would merit in the private economy. Our core insight was that public-sector pensions are several times more generous than typical private-sector plans, but this generosity is obscured by accounting assumptions that allow governments to contribute far less to pension plans than private employers must.
Public pensions calculate annual contributions based on assumed investment returns of around 8%. However, they must pay full benefits even if those returns don't pan out. In effect, public employees as a group are guaranteed an 8% return on both their own contributions and those made by their employers—at a time when private-sector workers with 401(k) plans receive a yield of only 2%-3% on comparatively riskless investments such as U.S. Treasurys. The difference in retirement benefits is stark.
Public-employee unions and left-leaning think tanks dismissed our analyses—"lies" and "scapegoating" were some of their choice descriptors. Their reaction came despite the fact that nearly all financial economists, including Nobel Prize winners and the Federal Reserve Board, shared our critique of public-pension accounting. Now several government agencies have weighed in with analyses that strongly support our original insight.
Most prior analyses of public-sector compensation were severely understated because they looked only at how much governments contributed to pension funds—not how much governments were on the hook to pay out. This meant that state and local government finances were in much worse shape than people long believed.
The Bureau of Economic Analysis has announced that, beginning in 2013, the National Income and Product Accounts of the United States will calculate defined-benefit pension liabilities—and the income flowing to employees in those plans—on an accrual basis that reflects the value of benefits promised, regardless of the contributions made by employers today.
The bureau's reasoning is a 2009 research paper stating that "if the assets of a defined benefit plan are insufficient to pay promised benefits, the plan sponsor must cover the shortfall. This obligation represents an additional source of pension wealth for participants in an underfunded plan." At current interest rates, this adjustment would roughly double reported compensation paid through public pensions.
The Congressional Budget Office endorsed a similar approach last month in a new report on federal employee compensation. The report—which congressional Democrats reportedly hoped would debunk our 2011 paper on federal pay—found that the federal retirement package of pensions plus retiree health care was 3.5 times more generous than private-sector plans, contributing to a 16% average federal compensation premium.
Even more recently, an analysis by two Bureau of Labor Statistics economists, published in the winter 2012 Journal of Economic Perspectives, concluded that the salary and current benefits of state and local government employees nationwide are 10% and 21% higher, respectively, than private-sector employees doing similar work. This study didn't even factor in the market value of public-pension benefits, nor did it include the value of retiree health coverage.
Basic fairness requires that public employees be paid for their skills at the same market rates as the taxpayers who fund their salaries and benefits. In some states accommodations have been struck, but in others further confrontation remains likely.
Reformers will have more help in those battles ahead. Academic economists, the Federal Reserve, the Bureau of Economic Analysis, and the Congressional Budget Office have all thrown their weight behind proper pension valuation. It will now be that much harder for public-employee unions and their advocates to deny the obvious.
Mr. Biggs is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. Mr. Richwine is a senior policy analyst at the Heritage Foundation.
Copyright 2012 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved

O'Fallon, Mo., Firefighters Are Sleeping on Air

BY MARK SCHLINKMANN mschlinkmann@post-dispatch.com > 636-255-7203 | Posted: Wednesday, April 11, 2012 12:15 am

Firefighters are sleeping well in the O'Fallon Fire Protection District — each on his own Select Comfort Sleep Number extra-long twin bed.

In an attempt to reduce back strain among firefighters, the district recently bought 51 air-adjustable mattresses for its five firehouses.

"We don't generally get to sleep for very long because we get up quite a bit in the middle of the night, but now the sleep that we get is much more comfortable," said Capt. Mike Alcorn, a 24-year veteran of the district.

The new beds cost $36,874 — or $723 each. That is $69 less each than the bid by rival air-adjustable company Verlo Mattress Factory Stores, but $454 more than an "entry-level" extra-long Verlo mattress without air controls.

Fred Keen, a salesman at Verlo's St. Charles store, said the entry-level model is designed for firefighters and has been bought by several other area departments in recent years. They have a heavier-than-usual inner spring, he said.

O'Fallon district officials said the board sought bids only for air-adjustable mattresses on the recommendation of a committee of employees and supervisors who studied the issue. The old beds were 15 to 20 years old and were worn out, they said.

"The long-term hope is it improves our wellness factor," said Bob Cerrano, the district's chief financial officer. "We have had a rash of back strains. You don't want these guys stiffening up and getting back injuries."

Still, A.C. Dienoff, an unsuccessful candidate for the fire district board this month, criticized the purchase.

Dienoff said he understood why new mattresses were needed but questioned buying more expensive models with air-adjustable controls. 

He also contended that the district could have gotten by with fewer new beds, because all 51 firefighters aren't on duty at the same time. District spokesman Scott Avery said the number was chosen "for sanitary reasons."

Outgoing District Board Chairman Dave Hinman defended the group's decision and said the research committee had done a good job.

"This is a bed that's going to have to last 10 to 15 years," he said.

Dienoff ran against Hinman in the election; both lost to a third candidate, Matt Gober.

The O'Fallon Fire Protection District has 51 paid firefighters. After four years, a district firefighter's base pay is $60,201. Last year district voters passed a $10.5 million bond issue to replace trucks and other equipment. The mattresses were not part of the bond issue; they came out of operating funds.

Sarah Reckard, a spokeswoman for Minnesota-based Select Comfort, said nearly 70 fire stations across the country have Sleep Number beds and the company has seen an increase in firehouse orders over the past year.

Reckard said that type of mattress is good for firefighters because it allows a sleeper to adjust the firmness. "No two sleepers — or firefighters — are alike," Reckard said in an email message.

A random check of 10 area fire departments found none with air-adjustable beds.

"We've never even discussed it," said Neil Svetanics, chief of the Lemay Fire Protection District in south St. Louis County for the past 10 years.

The St. Louis Fire Department also has standard mattresses, according to spokesman Lt. Dan Sutter.

Officials with the Mehlville, Affton, Metro West and Creve Coeur districts in St. Louis County and Wentzville, Cottleville and Lake Saint Louis districts in St. Charles County also said they do not have air-adjustable mattresses.

Capt. Rich Hilligardt of the Metro North Fire District in North County said air-adjustable beds "do sound nice" but that his department uses regular beds.

"I've got a bad back," he said. "My bed's fine. It doesn't bother me."

Tuesday, April 10, 2012

Surprise! You Owe Another $54 Billion

A new report forces the question: How could Illinois pols do this to taxpayers?
April 8, 2012 - chicagotribune.com

"Previous legislators and previous governors even awarded taxpayer funded health insurance benefits to themselves and 82,000 retirees, where 90 percent of them pay nothing on their insurance premiums. This lack of fiscal accountability has cost us dearly today."

—Gov. Pat Quinn, Feb. 22, 2012

"All told, state government is on pace to spend nearly $1 billion on retiree health care benefits in fiscal year 2013, more than double what it spent in 2003. Worse yet, these liabilities are growing more than twice as fast as tax revenues."

—Illinois Policy Institute, April 9, 2012

The state of Illinois admits to $83 billion in pension underfunding, a staggering weight on today's and tomorrow's taxpayers. Add to that the as yet uncalculated billions in unfunded pension obligations for city, county and other local governments. During a Tribune forum Wednesday, Mayor Rahm Emanuel explained how that overhang — some estimates run far higher — deters businesses from locating in Chicago: Companies don't want to buy shares in a phenomenal tax burden that will unfold over decades.

One nice thing about pension obligations: When you know the number of employees and their ages, the actuarial estimates start falling into place. The mystery is the investment return a pension fund will earn over time.

A second, often overlooked time bomb merrily ticking for governments nationwide is the cost of health insurance for all those retirees. That number, too, is hard to gauge, because health care costs — like future investment returns — are unknowable. Yet governments typically don't put aside money for future health care, as they do for future pensions. The culture is to pay-as-you-go.

In Illinois, that means pay-as-you-go-even-more-broke. The Illinois Policy Institute, a right-leaning think tank, now is releasing 133 pages of frightening data — we obtained a copy Thursday — that project yet another devastating hit to taxpayers: Beyond that $83 billion in unfunded pensions, state government alone faces an unfunded liability of more than $54 billion in retiree health liabilities over the next 30 years.

Illinois lawmakers haven't yet seen that startling number, but they do know they have to confront a retiree health debacle. Last year Illinois Senate legislation to begin addressing that debacle didn't make it to a floor vote. Gov. Pat Quinn's pointed words on the subject in his February budget address both encourage us and make us hope he sticks to his word that something has to happen.

Opinions differ on whether lawmakers can reduce current employees' pension benefits going forward. (Our view is that lawmakers definitely can do that, and we hope Illinois courts agree if and when legislators pass pension reforms.) But there's no dispute on this: While pensions have some state constitutional protection, retiree health benefits do not.

The IPI says that only 8 percent of private-sector retirees are offered health insurance benefits, and those retirees pay an average of 54 percent of the cost. Similarly requiring Illinois retirees to pay an average of 54 percent of insurance costs would save Illinois $500 million a year. Over the next 30 years, that change by itself would shrink the anticipated $54 billion shortfall by $21 billion. IPI suggests leaving benefits essentially intact for retired state and university employees with household incomes below $70,000 a year. Those with incomes between $70,000 and $200,000 a year would receive monthly subsidies of $302 and pay $369 themselves. And "retired union heads or university executives collecting pensions nearing $200,000 would be required to cover their own health insurance costs."

That's one option; lawmakers surely can consider others. But think of this issue as the Legislature's test case for meaningful pension reform: If Springfield won't ask six-figure pension beneficiaries to pick up a portion of their health premiums, what are the odds that legislators will confront their pension monster?

During the 2011 deliberations, two groups helped block retiree health reform: lawmakers of both parties who have state institutions (and thus state retirees) in their districts, and well-paid lobbyists whose prior careers in government entitle them to, yes, fat public pensions. If that happens this year, we want to read names.

We've noted before that many states similarly fund unaffordably generous retiree health benefits on a pay-as-you-go basis. But those states don't rank worst in the nation in their preparedness to meet pension obligations. Nor do most of those states expect to finish this fiscal year with a budget deficit and a malingering $9 billion in unpaid bills. As a result, then, most states are better prepared to meet these retiree health costs than is the insolvent state of Illinois.

By the last of the IPI's 133 pages, we conjured one question, then a follow-up:

How could Illinois pols do this to taxpayers?

And come November, will voters finally exact some consequences?
Copyright © 2012, Chicago Tribune

Monday, April 9, 2012

Retirement Reform II: Beyond the Easy Stuff

Essential and practical steps to take in 2012

BY:  | April 5, 2012 - GOVERNING


If you were to believe recent legislative reports chronicling "action" on pension reform, you would think America's states and cities had the problem almost whipped. According to the latest tally by the National Conference of State Legislatures, 43 states have now adopted some kind of pension reform since 2009. With all that activity in the state capitols, the average Joe must wonder why there is so much noise from reformers about a "public pension apocalypse."

Without becoming the Grinch, I'd like to dispel illusions — while also painting a less gloomy picture than we faced in 2009. Retirement reform efforts are best grounded in stronger probabilities, instead of false hopes or hysteria. I've also detailed the necessary steps to put pensions and OPEB in a more stable condition — before the next cyclical recession strikes sometime later in this decade. Many of these steps have yet to be taken.

Making progress. Good work has been done in some states where major changes have been enacted. Rhode Island comes to mind as a state that has tackled head-on the massive funding problems facing its state pension plans. (Of course, they still haven't fixed their municipal plans, and the receiver for tiny Central Falls has suggested that more communities there will still need to seriously consider the "nuclear" bankruptcy option to achieve pension reform.)

In several other states, the plan features now provided for new employees appear to be more affordable, sustainable and sensible. "New tier" pension multipliers for new hires have been whittled down to realistic levels in a few states. Hybrid plans are popping up. The Utah hybrid choice model has attracted a lot of attention in some circles, as did the Michigan teachers plan. Recent proposals that cleared one house in Kansas — to give new employees a choice between a cash-balance plan and a pure defined contribution option — are noteworthy. Retirement ages for new employees have been aligned with Social Security in several states, and that's clearly a step in the right direction of long-term cost control.

Several legislatures have also raised the employees' contributions where permitted by constitution, to help their employers dig out of a very deep financial hole by sharing the burden for mounting pension costs. NCSL noted that in ten states, the employee contributions have helped offset employer costs.

I also want to applaud efforts by a dozen or more major unions in several states and localities that have collectively bargained what I would call substantive reforms and notable increases in employee contributions. A few have even begun to address the OPEB (retiree medical plan) problem with employees. They are sharing in part of that cost in order to retain this benefit, a benefit that is becoming increasingly scarce in the private sector. But public support has clearly withered for those who retire early with lifetime medical benefits that most taxpayers will never see.

I am hopeful that we'll see some serious reform proposals take root in other states. The California governor's 12-point pension reform legislation is a worthy effort. Right now it is being roadblocked by unions that dominate both houses, but the Democrats there may yet cough up a pension-reform measure in order to persuade voters this November that a tax increase proposal is not just throwing good money after bad. In Tennessee, the state treasurer has proposed some thoughtful measures to offer local governments a full menu of flexible and affordable retirement plan options for new employees. All of those efforts are worthwhile and should be encouraged.

Also on the positive side, the U.S. economy has apparently turned the corner on its economic recovery, so the investment outlook has improved. Stocks are up, returning to 2006 levels (back when pension and OPEB liabilities supported by those assets were 25 to 30 percent lower than today). Barring the multitude of global risks that could blow up our stock market (Iran-Israel-Hormuz, Portugal-Spain-Greece II, or China-China-China), the historical odds now favor American equities gaining 10 to 15 percent annually until the next cyclical recession spoils the party sometime later in this decade. Pension funds can reasonably expect to beat their actuarial assumptions until the next downturn, and thus I expect to see funding ratios improve for a few years, as unfunded liabilities decline on a market-value basis. It's reasonable to expect that public pension funding ratios (at market value) could improve by 2 to 3 percent each year if and as the economy expands, and less than that if economic growth is impaired by overhanging global, governmental and household debt. But don't kid yourself into thinking we can get to full funding in this decade by market action alone.

My highest-probability scenario thus suggests a less gloomy outlook for employer pension contributions for plans that have been upfront with the public about their investment assumptions, funding policies and the depth of their problems. In fact, the policy risk now is complacency — that pension professionals, their lobbyists, elected officials and the public will be lulled to believe that the problem will be fixed by Mr. Market's normal cyclical benevolence and the irresistible illusion that trees will once again grow to the moon. The last two bubbles have hopefully taught us all the fallacy of such thinking.

It's also very important that policy-makers and the public understand that all the reforms enacted for new employees won't move the dial on accumulated unfunded liabilities. Pension debt and OPEB debt just sits there, waiting to be paid off before today's employees all retire and leave future taxpayers holding the bag while they simultaneously pay for the services of the next generation of public workers. The retrenchment and reductions in work force required to pay the mounting retirement bills will minimize any immediate positive effect of "new benefits tiers." Saving 20 percent of normal costs for new hires means nothing when there are few or no new hires. And so far in this New Normal economic recovery, state and local government employment has been shrinking, not growing.

Let's get serious. Despite the good intentions, hard work, and pragmatic progress that these various efforts represent, the retirement plan reforms mentioned above are but a drop in the bucket when it comes to fixing the massive unfunded liabilities that states and municipalities still face. It's especially noteworthy that the NCSL data show very little progress on retiree medical benefits (OPEB) reforms because those plans are typically employer-specific and not statewide. We still have a funding deficit that exceeds $2 trillion using conventional mainstream calculations. The deficiencies exceed $4 billion if you value the pension and OPEB liabilities using standards required by the federal government for major corporate pension plans. I have yet to see a serious proposal by anybody in the public pension community or the union bloc that honestly addresses the magnitude of these numbers — which seriously undermines the inference that legislative reforms to date have addressed the problem.

Time will soon run out in this cycle, even though the economy is just now getting on its feet in most states and localities. To understand my hard-headed views, one must understand the basic nature of business cycles and market cycles. Sadly, the traditional experts in the pension world don't pay much attention to the business cycle. They overlook the obvious because they have been trained to ignore the elephant on the table and how it moves.

Once a graduate-level economics major, I understand the problem here. Professors can't use statistical math to explain business cycles — those irregular waves of expansion and contraction defy the elegance that PhDs can display by using what are called stochastic (or parametric) tools. There is no way for the math wizards who practice traditional actuarial science, econometrics or capital markets investment analysis to explain what happens in the real world — which is the business cycle. They were trained to assume that investment returns are randomly distributed around a linear long-term trend line.

For those lacking an understanding of the business cycle, you can read Chapter 8 of my GFOA textbook Investing Public Funds for a concise summary and references, or just search the Internet for classic works by Schumpeter and others who followed him.

My second, unofficial "graduate degree in economics" came not from a college but from eight learned Wall Street economists and real-world investors I polled monthly when editing a public-sector professional association investment newsletter I founded in 1983. What they taught me is that market cycles follow the business cycle and it's not entirely a random walk. Recessions bring stock prices down an average of 30 percent if you measure the last 14 cycles since 1926. That's the down cycle that is rarely discussed in pension circles until it's too late. On the other side of the cycle, stocks have increased in value by about 10 percent annually over the past 86 years, but they grow far faster in the recovery and expansion phase of the business cycle — only to be knocked back down again in the next recession. Thus, the average annual return used for actuarial discounting is actually the rare exception, not the rule.

So the odds of pension funds and OPEB plans hitting their annual expected returns in a given year are quite low: they overshoot or undershoot — and often by 10 percent or more in a given year. As the legendary Peter Lynch of Fidelity Investments (where I also worked in a prior life) would say: stocks will either gain 15-20 percent or lose 10-20 percent in a given year, but seldom will they return their historical average of 10 percent. If stock market returns were normally distributed on an annual basis, 10 percent would be the central tendency and this game would be really easy to play. But they are not. In fact, their distribution pattern is much flatter than a normal "bell curve" that statisticians hypothesize. And more importantly, they are not random in the way the stochastic statisticians who provide models to actuaries and investment consultants would lead us to believe. Nobody has ever devised a predictive or even a prescriptive model that's worth its salt, using traditional statistical techniques.

So now what? Obviously I can't predict the future and definitely won't hold myself out as clairvoyant. My underlying point in this column is that the business cycle has likely turned favorable but it won't last forever. So now is the time to prepare ahead for the next winter to take proper advantage of summer as it arrives, while melting away the ice-dam formed in the severe winter freeze of 2008. This means that pension trustees, budget officers and OPEB plan administrators must look ahead to the next inevitable recession and develop risk-management strategies to mitigate its consequences. Otherwise, today's baby-step pension reforms will simply result in a re-run of the Bill Murray movie "Groundhog Day," when the next recession again plunges funding levels to distressed levels that will be even harder to manage because half of the baby boomers employed in government will then be retired and the demographics become really ugly.

Prudent public policy now requires three key strategies: (1) Pension funds must amortize their unfunded liabilities far more aggressively than their current schedules now require, (2) public employers must begin funding their OPEB plans actuarially and stop their head-in-the-sand practice of paying only the cost of the retirees' benefits while putting away zero for the cost of rapidly accruing benefits and (3) unsustainable benefits plans must be changed for current employees, whether it requires benefits changes going forward or an increase in employee contributions. Public-sector managers must take the lead in advancing and implementing these concepts because nobody else can do that job — and policy-makers will first need to be educated on the issues.

Pension amortization and cost-sharing. Step 1 for the pension funds is to begin amortizing their unfunded liabilities over the remaining lives of current workers. I addressed this issue last month in my column on intergenerational equity.

For most retirement plans, today's elongated amortization schedules won't restore the funding ratios fast enough to prevent a dismal Groundhog Day scene in the next recession, so employer and employee contributions must be increased even higher than most plans now require. At the same time that employers step up to full actuarial and intergenerational funding, they have every right to ask employees to step up to the plate with increased contributions to share in the cost of paying down the unfunded liabilities for their benefits. This won't be an easy break from tradition, because there is often a strong sense of entitlement to receive risk-free benefits without paying for them, but the enlightened unions will recognize that without higher contributions from employees, the alternative outcome is hiring and pay freezes for the rest of the decade — and a risk of taxpayer backlash in the next off-year election.

OPEB reform at last. Step 2: As the economy recovers, the time has finally come for public employers to gradually begin funding their OPEB (retiree medical benefits) plans actuarially and bargain much harder for employee contributions to share the burden. This requires establishing an OPEB trust fund to protect the employee contributions, and an employer contribution for the rest of the actuarial cost. Savvy employers will drive harder bargains with the unions to seek lower total benefits costs through reforms of their OPEB plan structure while they also demand an employee contribution that increases each year during the life of the next labor agreement. Retiree medical benefits often enjoy fewer constitutional and contractual-law protections than pensions, so this is now the low-hanging fruit in the labor arena in 2012.

Failure to address unfunded and unsustainable OPEB plans while the economy is expanding is a "pathway to hell," as the liabilities continue to mount and the cost of fixing the mess after the next recession will be double the cost of biting the bullet now. The math is compelling: Just ask your actuary to run the numbers on what your costs will be if you start funding now versus a delayed start in 2020.

Retirees and baby boomer workers read the newspapers and the internet. Many are becoming increasingly worried that their public employers really might not have sufficient money in the future to pay for their promised retiree medical benefits. As they see the increasing success of pension-poor cities playing the bankruptcy card in a few states, more of them will begin to recognize that OPEB plans must be properly funded. The smart ones will conclude there is more value in having (a) certainty of a reduced benefit than (b) uncertainty of an unsustainably generous benefit. But that requires strategic thinking to overcome inertia. Public leaders should read the brilliant behavioral economics work of Nobel laureate Daniel Kahneman in Thinking, Fast and Slow to understand how "prospect theory" can enlighten the bargaining in this arena.

Finally, there is a secondary budget-balancing benefit to start-up OPEB trust funds. They can serve as "closet rainy-day funds" by providing a place for employers to rightfully park budget surpluses with the understanding by policymakers that if another recession squeezes the budget, the OPEB trust can be used to pay for retirees' benefits without further budget contributions. That will increases budget flexibility dramatically in recession periods. A smart budgeter can make this work in the best interests of taxpayer groups that oppose building reserves that the unions will try to raid in their next arbitration hearing as "idle money" to pay for increased salaries and benefits. The unions can't touch an OPEB trust fund in arbitration. Smart funding of OPEB at this time in the cycle can accomplish multiple budgetary and financial planning objectives, and helps retain or restore good bond ratings. My advice for those who now pay-as-they-go is to "double up" the OPEB budget item and set aside the equivalent of a year's pay-go payments into a new OPEB trust, with the understanding it can be drawn down in a financial emergency if that is what it takes to get policy approval. After two years of repeating this strategy, the employer can then transition to full actuarial funding if and when budgetary conditions permit a longer-term policy commitment.

Address incumbents now. Step 3 is to study your state's laws concerning the vested rights of incumbent employees for both pensions and OPEB, and find the strategic path that yields maximum budgetary and actuarial benefits for the least pain and legal hassle. In some states, public employers enjoy the same rights as private companies to change benefits prospectively, but in others employees enjoy vested rights to maintain current benefits formulas and sometimes even the contribution rate. Contributions are often the most important budget-balancers for CFOs and chief administrators to address, where legally permitted — especially when they offset the employer's cost directly. In places like California where labor agreements went berserk with the concept of "employer paid member contributions" and in other states where the plan was established as "non-contributory," the employees have enjoyed a free ride or a nearly free ride. These arrangements have almost always led to inflated benefits. As I noted years ago in a prior column, Economics 101 informed us long ago that when the price of anything of value is zero, the demand is infinite. So an increase in employee contributions may be the most rightful solution to burden-sharing by incumbent employees. This approach also reconciles with lower benefits tiers for younger workers, who should pay a lower contribution than their older counterparts in order to maintain workforce equity. And in states where prospective benefits reductions (such as lower pension multipliers for incumbents' future service) are lawful and appropriate, those should be pursued as part of the reform agenda.

Fix it now, for good. None of these prescriptions for prudent funding are easy. The "low hanging fruit" for retirement reform has been picked off. So now it's up to public officials to chart a course to full recovery from the distressed levels of plan funding we have experienced. This requires difficult choices that won't be popular in many circles. But failure to act now will buy public officials a ticket to the "Public Pension Groundhog Day Movie" that will be coming to local theaters at end of this decade.

Saturday, April 7, 2012

California Schools: Administrator Heavy & Union Controlled

BY STEVEN GREENHUT, ON APRIL 6TH, 2012 - unionwatch.org

California’s public schools continue to lay-off teachers, and the process by which they do this is as convoluted and illogical as one would expect in a bureaucratic system in which the needs of the students falls fairly low on the list of priorities. That’s my take-away from a new report by the state’s Legislative Analyst’s Office detailing the teacher lay-off process as districts struggle with declining revenue in the face of shrinking budgets.
The big issue, however, isn’t the arcane process of laying-off teachers, but what the system says about the inefficient way that Americans have decided to educate their kids. As the LAO reports, decisions about who stays and who goes are based on which teachers have showed up to work for the most years—i.e., seniority—rather than which ones are most effective and energetic. The hearing and appeals process, by which every laid off teacher gets an automatic hearing, adds enormous costs to a system that always claims to lack enough resources.
The LAO report only looked at one small, technical aspect of the public-school behemoth and was meant to offer a little advice for tweaking the lay-off process. It wasn’t meant to provide a thorough analysis of school systems. But in some ways, that’s what is so frightening about the report. Americans don’t think twice about the way schools are designed. Few things are more important than educating children, yet we accept this current system the way Soviet citizens accepted long bread lines. No doubt, auditors in that system issued reports discussing ways to shorten the lines.
Don’t include me in the chorus of those who claim that the schools are somehow “under-funded,” even as K-14 education consumes more than 40 percent of California’s general fund budget—not to mention all the local bond measures and federal funding. Usually, budget “cuts” in districts refer to the reduction in predicted rate of growth, not actual cuts. One of the nation’s worst-performing systems, Los Angeles Unified School District, spends more than $29,000 per student each year, when all funding sources are included, according to a Cato Institute report. Its graduation rate of only 40 percent is appalling. LAUSD is particularly bad, but it isn’t run that differently than your average suburban district.
Consider the LAO’s chart of a declining teacher workforce over the past few years against this report in the Los Angeles Daily News from 2008: “[A] Daily News review of salaries and staffing shows LAUSD’s bureaucracy ballooned by nearly 20 percent from 2001 to 2007. Over the same period, 500 teaching positions were cut and enrollment dropped by 6 percent. The district has approximately 4,000 administrators, managers and other nonschool-based employees—not including clerks and office workers—whose average annual salary is about $95,000.”
Now consider this tidbit from the Sacramento Bee in June: “The number of educators receiving $100,000-plus annual pensions jumped 650 percent from 2005 to 2011, going from 700 to 5,400, according to a Bee review of data from the California State Teachers’ Retirement System.” Here’s aLos Angeles Times headline from October: “California teachers lack the resources and time to teach science.”
Is this an issue of money or spending priorities?
Instead of focusing on the little things, Californians ought to be thinking big thoughts about education. We can start by asking this question: Is the public education system one that best serves the students? The answer, even for people whose kids attend decent schools is, “Obviously not.”
There’s an endless call for reform. Some ideas are useful. For instance, vouchers, which let people take a portion of their school tax dollars and spend them at the school of their choice, or charter schools, which are government-controlled schools freed from some of the government-imposed red tape, offer some hope because they provide some level of competition. But I’m not calling for specific reforms here, but arguing instead for readers to conduct a thought experiment.
If we were tasked with providing an important service, how would we provide it? If, say, we were asked to create the best-possible chain of restaurants to serve hungry customers, would we buy a huge building, hire scores of extremely well-paid administrators and then impose a tax on local residents to fund the chain? Would we let a board of directors, elected from the community, choose the décor, the menu and the locations?
Would we empower a union to make hiring decisions and allow it to grant tenure to waiters and kitchen help, so that we could not fire them even if they were lazy and incompetent? Would we pay the most money to people who worked there the longest rather than to those who were the best workers?
When customers complained that we served too much meat and not enough pizza, would we shrug and ask them to elect board members who preferred pepperoni to cheeseburgers?
Would we pass laws mandating that people who live in neighborhoods near our restaurants eat there only—allowing them to eat elsewhere if they spend additional money or move to the neighborhood where the restaurant more closely meets their taste? Would we ignore the pleas of people who live near filthy restaurants that serve lousy food just because we live near one that at least keeps a clean kitchen and offers adequate meal choices?
Other observers have made similar analogies, and school officials always claim that schooling somehow is different. But it isn’t.
Instead of tinkering around the edges and endlessly fighting for reforms that offer little hope of transforming the system, we need to redesign it from the ground up. Perhaps we should, in the words of the late reformer Marshall Fritz, “separate school and state” and allow the market to provide schools just as we allow it to provide food and other vital services.
Steven Greenhut is vice president of journalism at the Franklin Center for Government and Public Integrity.

Friday, April 6, 2012

Monarch Sets April 5 as Date for Collective Bargaining Vote

By: Jim Erickson - News Magazine
The Monarch Fire Protection District Board of Directors and Local 2665 of the International Association of Fire Fighters have negotiated a new collective bargaining agreement (CBA) that will extend through 2013.

Plans originally called for the pact to be discussed and voted on at a March 15 Monarch Board meeting, but a glitch in preparing and posting the agenda for that session caused directors to delay final action until April 5.

While there was no action on the new contract, director comments during the brief discussion provided a glimpse of some key provisions. Among other things, the agreement:

• includes no increase in base salaries or in other salary provisions such as longevity pay

• scales back vacation days of fire fighters with 25 years or more of service from 18 shift days to 15

Board Secretary Steven Swyers said 28 Monarch employees are affected by the vacation days change, and that other employees will have the schedule for earning vacation days stretched out.

While base salaries have remained constant for six years – including the original three-year period of the current contract, a one-year extension that covered 2011 and the two year-period of the new agreement – overtime pay has skyrocketed. In pre-vote remarks, Swyers identified that issue as one the Board must address to meet the district’s scaled-back 2012 budget.

According to Swyers, overtime hours increased from 1,350 hours in 2006 to some 13,000 hours through the first 11 months of 2011. Those hours cost the district some $650,000, he said, a major share of the $1 million directors must save, compared with last year, to make the 2012 budget a reality.

Two contributors to the need for overtime were increases in sick time and worker’s compensation days, Swyers continued. Sick leave hours have more than doubled, from 6,200 in 2006 to 13,000 in 2011, while worker’s comp time off has more than tripled, from 3,500 hours to 11,100, during the same period.

“We need to look at those issues and deal with them,” Swyers stated, “and I was pleased with the firefighters’ attitude toward the problems we face. There definitely has been a feeling of collaboration between the Board, senior officers and the rank and file on these issues.”

The Board recently has approved a light duty program designed to bring employees back to work more quickly from the off-duty, worker’s comp roster. Similarly, Monarch directors have started a “constant-manning” schedule whose stated goal is to minimize overtime while assuring that essential work assignments are filled.

Constant-manning critics say the practice tends to inflate overtime needs, but Swyers maintains the program has been working well.

Swyers said the new contract also calls for giving employees “an extra day off or two at the discretion of management” as an incentive for not using sick leave as well as changes in other pay such as the yearly clothing allowance that has remained the same for a number of years.

Board Treasurer Robin Harris noted that he is concerned about the cumulative paid time off a Monarch firefighter potentially has with vacation time, sick leave, personal days and other time off. He did not say if his concerns mean he will oppose the new agreement.

Swyers said everyone could find parts of the contract they don’t like but that the overall document represents a “fair and reasonable” agreement for the district and Monarch taxpayers.

The original March 15 agenda did not include the new agreement among topics for consideration. A revised agenda posted later listed the CBA, and Board President Kim Evans made a motion to approve the contract.

However, Harris urged that “in the interest of transparency” the Board not vote on the issue at that session because anyone seeing the original agenda would not have known the contract was going to be discussed and acted on.

After discussion on whether the Board could legally bring up and vote on an issue not on the original agenda, Evans withdrew her motion in favor of a Board consensus to wait until the April 5 meeting. The Board was unable to get a legal opinion on the question because Charles Billings, Monarch legal counsel, was not at the meeting.

Ex-McCaskill Staffer Bob Burns Goes Down in Flames

Bob-burns

The St. Louis Post Dispatch is reporting that Joan McGivney has defeated Bob Burns in their race for St. Louis Community College Trustee Subdistrict 3. With all precincts reporting, McGivney has a 105 vote lead with 6985 votes to Burns's 6880. Congratulations to McGivney!
Stay strong. Someone said brownshirts, and some people got offended by that, but if you look at history, when Hitler took over Germany, they did just that. They disrupted meetings, screaming, and then it got violent, but they were always in the minority.
Burns is pictured above marching with the Occupy St. Louis radicals. The occupy movement has lived the violence that Bob Burns only imagined Tea Partiers committed: rapes, murders, assaults. In fact, this evening Tea Partiers held a candle light vigil for victims of Bob Burns and his occupy thugs.
If you forgot about today's election you'll have another opportunity to vote against Bob Burns so long as you live in Missouri's 93rd State House District. You might even consider taking a Democrat ballot in the August primary and voting for Joe Montecillo.

Thursday, April 5, 2012

Teachers and Pension Cuts

In a reversal, Illinois' biggest pension fund says it may have to reduce benefits to today's retirees
April 4, 2012 - chicagotribune.com
"The Tribune's July 5 editorial 'Rescuing public pensions' is centered on the false premise that Illinois' current pension plans for public employees are 'doomed' and unsustainable. The truth is that the state's pension plans are sustainable."
— Dick Ingram, executive director of the Illinois Teachers' Retirement System, in a letter to the editor published July 14, 2011
The politicians who run Illinois, along with many pension fund officials and union leaders, have spent years denying that their failure to demand big pension reforms threatens the retirements of public employees. That denial — often an effort to dodge blame — now stands disgraced: With insolvency looming in as little as 17 years, the head of the state's largest pension fund is warning that pension benefits promised to teachers, starting with those already retired, may need to be cut.
In a statement on its website, the Teachers' Retirement System of Illinois warns: "Preventing insolvency may include significant changes for TRS — new revenues must be generated and if they are not, benefits may have to be reduced."
A situation so dire that it threatens benefits to retirees ought to alarm every citizen of Illinois and every public worker who receives or expects to receive a pension. And remember, the $43 billion in unfunded pension obligations that burdens TRS is just one facet of the severe underfunding that officials at state, county and city governments have created for Illinois taxpayers. TRS today is only 46 percent funded; 54 percent of its future financial obligations do not exist.
What's more, TRS assumes it will achieve annual investment returns that average 8.5 percent — even though its returns averaged only 3.7 percent from 2001 to 2010. If TRS doesn't average 8.5 percent, its challenges will grow steeper.
The Springfield State Journal-Register reported Saturday that, in a confidential memo dated Feb. 9, TRS Executive Director Dick Ingram had warned TRS board members that they may need to cut benefits. Given TRS' past assurances, that's a shock for more than a third of a million people: more than 100,000 retirees or their beneficiaries, about 162,000 educators now working, and 100,000 retirees not yet old enough to claim pension benefits. "(I)t is prudent to assume that we will not be funded at the levels provided in statute ..." Ingram wrote. "However constitutionally sound or logical these provisions may be, they cannot print money."
The revelation that TRS has reversed field and now sees state government as too deeply indebted to meet its future pension costs could disrupt the cozy relationships that created this debacle:
•Teachers and other unionized public workers need to ask labor leaders why they didn't object when legislators and governors repeatedly failed to make full payments into the pension system. Employees also need to demand to know why their unions have been fighting, rather than insisting upon, major pension reforms.
•Union officials probably will try to deflect that criticism on incumbent pols whom, in many cases, the unions themselves have supported with campaign labor and huge donations. That mutual back-scratching has helped the pols and the union bosses at the profound expense of rank-and-file workers.
•And, with a general election only seven months away, citizens need to hold the politicians accountable for promising far more in pension benefits than this state's taxpayers ever could afford.
Ingram is the first pension fund official to rebel against Illinois politicians, union bosses and his peers at other funds. His board has issued its own statement warning that, "The fiscal situation of the State has deteriorated to the point that the Board no longer has confidence that the State of Illinois will be able to meet its existing funding obligations to TRS." Buck Consultants, which performed three actuarial "stress tests" for TRS, calculates that depending on the level of future contributions from the state, TRS faces insolvency in 2029, 2037 or 2049. In this case insolvency means TRS will have exhausted its invested assets and will only be able to pay benefits from then-current income.
That information pushed Ingram and TRS to issue its warning.
TRS' website now includes an indictment of numerous deceits that TRS labels "Illinois Pension Math." In that Alice-in-Wonderland arithmetic long practiced by politicians here, "Future savings over several decades from reform measures are counted now before they are actually realized." That's a whack at politicians who have boasted about creating far-off savings pegged to the retirements of workers hired after Jan. 1, 2011. The problem, by contrast, is today.
Gov. Pat Quinn is pushing for much more ambitious action. He says he wants pension reforms, as well as Medicaid reforms, passed by legislators this spring. We don't know whether lawmakers finally will agree to bold moves, such as reducing the pension benefits earned going forward by current employees.
Maybe TRS' declaration that it may be unable to make payouts as planned will jolt the Legislature from its evident strategy of delaying any action until after the Nov. 6 election. The TRS board isn't suggesting any specific remedy to the lawmakers who write pension policy. It has though, strongly encouraged Illinois pols to calibrate future payments into the pension system according to its actuarial obligations, rather than according to what's politically useful in any given year. For too long, Ingram told us Tuesday, "Political science has trumped actuarial science." He's right.
With TRS now warning of benefits cuts for today's retirees, the deniers can no longer pretend that Illinois doesn't have a pension crisis. The game just changed.
Copyright © 2012, Chicago Tribune